When the media is a blank paper

Image: Joseph Chan

By Lee Je-Hoon

There was once the notion that in order to accurately read China’s inner workings, you should read the South China Morning Post (SCMP), an influential Hong Kong newspaper founded in 1903. As most of the media in China have been state-run, it was a compliment that you would only appreciate if you had read the newspaper, which reported with accuracy based on various sources inside China.

However, since the Chinese Internet giant Alibaba took over SCMP in December 2015, subtle changes have taken place within the SCMP editorial office. The number of reporters who came from mainland China with pro-China tendencies has increased, which some longtime readers attributed to the deteriorated quality of the reporting. 

The turning point further triggering the departure of competent reporters at the SCMP—be it due to incongruity or for personal reasons—was the anti-government protests in 2019, which led to the enactment of the Hong Kong National Security Law. In May 2020, the Chinese National People’s Congress (NPC) passed this law on behalf of the Hong Kong Legislative Council, and in a nutshell, put an end to political freedom in Hong Kong.

It was the first time that mainland China directly legislated a law in Hong Kong since the city was returned to Chinese rule in 1997. The NPC stepped in and essentially resolved Hong Kong’s futile attempt (in 2003) to introduce a national security law, crushed by strong opposition from Hong Kong citizens and civic groups.

While China took control of Hong Kong through the the National People’s Congress, the silent repression also took place within the SCMP. The company’s higher-ups directed use of words like “riots” over “protests” to describe the anti-government demonstrations against a proposed extradition bill by the Hong Kong government. At SCMP, some reporters did not agree with such maneuvers. Two Sides of A Lie was a novel written and published in 2021 by a couple of the reporters who were inspired by real events that took place in the newsroom and in Hong Kong. 

The Washington Post, an influential American newspaper founded in 1877, adopted “Democracy Dies in Darkness” as its slogan in February 2017. It was the first adopted slogan ever for the 140-year-old paper. Some say that the Washington Post’s call out on the crisis of democracy was aimed at then-President Donald Trump’s regressive policies.

In explaining his purchase of the Post in a 2016 interview, Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos, had used the phrase. “I think a lot of us believe this, that democracy dies in darkness, that certain institutions have a very important role in making sure that there is light.”

The reason political freedom is disappearing in Hong Kong or that the crisis of democracy is being discussed in the United States boils down to one thing: politics no longer reflect the will of the people. In mainland China, people who no longer could tolerate the draconian zero-Covid policy took to the streets in November, holding “blank paper” protests and even calling for Xi Jinping’s resignation. The demonstrations can also be viewed as a failure of Chinese politics.

Although the Chinese authorities have succeeded in calming the people’s dissatisfaction by scrapping the zero-Covid strategy, they cannot prevent the outburst of anger with surveillance and control for good. Perhaps the blank paper protests represent a new voice calling out for freedom of expression in the Chinese society, which has predominantly put its emphasis on economic growth. While contradictions in the Chinese society will be difficult to resolve in the short term, conflicts and dissatisfaction will, inevitably, still increase, as would public resistance. However, if politics continues to fail, it will only raise the threshold of resistance and create antipathy.

* The blank paper represents everything protesters wish they could say but cannot.

 
Editor’s note: Lee Je-Hoon is an editor in the South Korean daily newspaper The Seoul Shinmun. This commentary was first published in Korean in the Seoul Shinmun.

Once bitten, twice shy: the world is prepared as Covid-torn China resumes international travel

Image: Kayla Kozlowski

Covid is tearing through China, and the Chinese government decided it is time to open its doors to allow citizens to travel abroad.

Chinese citizens are flooding foreign cities in droves following China’s sudden abolition of its draconian zero-Covid policy. Half the passengers on two flights from China to Milan on Christmas week were found to be infected with the virus.

Just as the rest of the world is beginning to move beyond the shadow of Covid-19 that originated from Wuhan in 2020, Beijing’s about-turn is once more upending the new normal. Millions are contracting infections in China each day, and a proportion of them are travelling abroad, while their government is increasingly evasive in the retreat from the “dynamic zero-Covid” strategy. Forget about sharing data as that would directly weigh on the credibility of President Xi Jinping’s “all-out people’s war” on the coronavirus.

Given the circumstances, it is inevitable for countries to protect their own people and avoid another global spread of infections. A growing list of them are requiring negative test results or reinstating testings on China arrivals. Beijing via its state media has predictably, railed against these foreign governments, calling the measures “discriminatory”.

As recent as November, the Chinese leadership was reiterating resoluteness to uphold Xi’s hallmark policy, the basis in which it had used to claim superiority of its authoritarian model over Western democracy as evidenced by the pandemic chaos in the West particularly in the early days of containment in 2020. By the end of the month, however, China was roiled by mass public protests against the controls, triggered by a deadly fire in the western Xinjiang region where the victims were trapped in the building because of lockdown measures. Many defied repercussions for political activity in the modern autocracy, backed by surveillance technologies that give protesters no place to hide, to join the most widespread demonstrations since the protests in Tiananmen Square in 1989. In their wake, Beijing shifted course almost overnight, following the approach of “living with the virus” like the Western economies that it previously scorned at for their incompetence in containing Covid.

For now, there is no time for the ideological argument, not when the Chinese economy’s well-being hangs in the balance. Being able to ensure that the quality of life continues to improve for citizens is the unwritten pact and yardstick by which the public measures the Chinese Communist Party’s legitimacy to rule, more so as they tolerate rising authoritarianism. 

China’s economy is sputtering. The pandemic battered domestic consumption, the pillar to which Beijing shifted towards to reduce the economy’s reliance on exports for growth as well as exposure to external factors it can’t control. In the five years to 2019, prior to the pandemic, the share of exports in its GDP shrank from 23.5 percent to 18.4 percent. The trend has reversed since then as home-bound consumers around the world snapped up Chinese goods when Covid hit. Then, Beijing’s strict lockdowns in 2022 disrupting supply chains took a toll on export growth.

Exports dropped 8.7 percent in November from a year earlier for a second straight month, the steepest fall since February 2020 when the viral outbreak occurred. Weakening global demand due to high inflation and aggressive interest rate hikes by major economies like the US, Japan and South Korea didn’t help.

The World Bank has slashed its 2022 growth forecast for the Chinese economy to 2.7 percent from 4.3 percent. In his New Year address though, Xi said the country’s GDP exceeded  US$17.4 trillion in 2022. That would have been a 4.4 percent rise from 2021.

Officially, China has registered just more than 5,200 deaths from Covid, a tiny fraction of US’s 1.1 million, the world’s highest death toll. There is a yawning gap between the picture Beijing painted and the reality reflected in social media posts from Chinese citizens across the country. Hospital emergency wards are overflowing with patients and medical supplies are running low or out. Even shelves of pharmacies in Hong Kong are cleaned out either by relatives snapping up basic drugs to send to families in mainland China or Chinese visitors to the city.

China’s border reopening on January 8 puts Hong Kong in the first line of fire. While the Hong Kong government is eager to reopen its border with the mainland, Hongkongers are apprehensive, fearing another wave of infections among other concerns. It doesn’t need a sixth wave after the last one in 2022 claimed over 11,000 lives. 

During the Lunar New Year in 2020, the Chinese government allowed millions to travel abroad when it knew there was a new coronavirus infecting its people. It suppressed information and covered up until the virus was rapidly spread to the rest of the world.

Several mutations of the coronavirus have been identified since December 2020. China’s current outbreak is causing concern of producing a new variant, which will raise questions such as: will the vaccines still work and are people more at risk for getting sick.

There is a sense of déjà vu, but this time, the rest of the world will not be taken by surprise.

Infotainment 2.0: pervasive disinformation

Image: Camilo Jimenez

Not too long ago, infotainment was the answer to survival for news organizations on the cusp of the digitalization wave. Be what hard-core journalists might have said about the “soft news” with its entertainment nature, short of substantive and informative value, it thrived on the digital and social media.

There is nothing wrong with a demand for entertainment and even fiction. In fact, most infotainment content is built on facts, even though there will be some that stray from this underlying element. But what is disturbing has been its evolvement and usage to disinform; the proliferation of disinformation, misinformation and mal-information—fake news—made easy by technology, and manifested to desensitize readers to discern between truth and half-truths or lies. Perversely, the insatiable appetite for infotainment can very well be exploited to entrap the unwitting audience.

Last week, a report of North Korea blaming the South for its Covid-19 outbreak made headlines around the world. Kim Jong-un’s sister, Kim Yo-jong, reprimanded South Korea for sending leaflets contaminated with Covid across the border without evidential support. Any reasonable reader would dismiss the North’s argument to be nonsensical but disinformation campaigns have become so sophisticated and deeply penetrated that the consumption of information doesn’t always come with a critical eye. Authoritarian regimes in particular have the resources and motivation to go the distance in stretching the truths, or rationalizing how information is managed. There is clearly a difference between entertainment from fiction and deriving it from fake news, but that line can be blurring as consumers don’t necessarily differentiate.

China’s state media had a field day with the Taiwan visit by Nancy Pelosi, the speaker of the US’s House of Representatives. State mouthpiece China Global Television Network claimed success of garnering “attention and the reposts” of its online and video reports, as well as social feeds on China’s countermeasures against the US over Pelosi’s visit by more than 2,000 foreign media titles including the BBC and American broadcasters ABC and NBC. What CGTN conveniently omitted was the coverage of China’s angry responses and countermeasures merely constituted to one part of the cross-strait crisis story, as any balanced news report would aim to do.

The Chinese foreign ministry had warned the US that Pelosi’s visit, ahead of her arrival in Taiwan, was “playing with fire”. “Those who play with fire will perish by it,” it threatened. Barely a day after the speaker’s plane had left Taiwan, the People’s Liberation Army began shooting missiles towards the waters off Taiwan in multi-day, large-scale military drills in six areas around the island that cover the approaches to three most important ports and the airspace that planes use to descend to Taiwanese airports.

They signal China’s strength as much as its anger, but they are far from making good of perishing “those who play with fire”. Beijing has nonetheless ceased cooperation with the United States on areas including military relations and climate change, as well as imposed sanctions against Pelosi and her immediate family. Pelosi has shrugged off the sanctions—“Who cares?”. Instead she stressed that the US would not allow China to normalize the new level of pressure on Taiwan it asserted with days of military drills .

Beijing’s trade curbs of Taiwanese fruit and fish imports, and exports of natural sand, a key component for the production of semiconductors were hardly an existential threat. Natural sand from China account for a tenth of the island’s sand imports. Notable was the bans did not include the chips themselves, which are crucial to Chinese manufacturers.

On the other hand, China’s ultimatums spoke more effectively to Chinese nationalists, sending many into a frenzy and fired them into a war of words online. The current regime has nurtured a paranoid nationalism that fosters Beijing’s new global order narrative, which supports the “wolf warrior” approach to foreign policy and the superiority of the Chinese governance system against the decline of the West, especially since the global financial crisis of 2007. The Covid-19 pandemic has also worked in the regime’s favour, enabling the Chinese propagandists to contrast the West’s chaos against China’s order and control of the viral outbreak, keeping death toll low and allowing normal activities to resume ahead of many countries. But that was until the Omicron variant hit, and lockdowns with draconian measures have become more frequent and increased. So have the grievances of the people, many of whom have taken to social media to protest.

Chinese nationalism has been carefully shaped by the regime. Teaching of patriotism was ramped up after the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown, which effectively blurred the line between loving the party and the country. Humiliation suffered at the hands of foreigners all the way back to the opium wars launched by the British where the Chinese were victimized was emphasized. But the party would make China strong again. As such, China as a rising superpower resonated with its people, and unification with Taiwan is at the core of the national rejuvenation.

After all the threats and strongman speak, the challenge for Chinese President Xi Jinping is he cannot appear weak, especially with a few months to the 20th party congress in the autumn where is expected to be crowned the “people’s leader”, elevating him to the venerated stature of Mao Zedong. An attempt to conquer Taiwan would place Xi in a position that no other leader has ever done, but a full-blown military confrontation with the US will destabilize the Chinese economy which is already under the weight of the frequent pandemic lockdowns.

At the end of the day though, Xi does preside over one of the world’s most extensive propaganda and censorship mechanism. The apparatus is already at work to address the perception that Chinese responses are not strong enough.

‘Persistance is victory’ in China’s zero-Covid strategy, but isolation and economic setback is reality

Image: Cal Gao

Only a few months after the Winter Olympics in Beijing—held using a closed-loop system that Chinese state media lauded for delivering safe and “amazing result”— China announced it was indefinitely holding off the Asian Games that was scheduled for September. The Games in Hangzhou city would have also taken place in a closed-loop, where athletes and all involved were isolated from the general population, requiring daily tests and checks.

Beijing has also withdrawn as the Asian Cup host for 2023, as well as delayed or cancelled a number of smaller events. The withdrawals are no surprise as the country has been confronted with the biggest outbreaks in its most important cities, Shanghai and Beijing, since the virus first emerged in central Wuhan in late 2019.

The Chinese Communist Party’s resolute in a costly zero-Covid strategy, despite the Omicron’s lower virulence, is ever more politically charged in a year when a crucial congress this autumn would confirm the party chief’s groundbreaking third term, as well as prove that the Chinese governance model to contain the virus is a superior one. Early in May, the Standing Committee reiterated the commitment to the “dynamic zero-Covid” objective and pledged to double down on the very playbook of mass testing, quarantine and lockdowns used to “win the battle in Wuhan”.

“Persistance is victory,” the meeting of the group declared.

Yet, the weight of the two-month lockdown in Shanghai, along with numerous other cities shackled by partial lockdowns and controls, is shattering the Chinese economy and disrupting global supply chains. Economic growth in the first three months has slowed to 4.8 percent, which lagged the official annual target of 5.5 percent. The leadership recently confirmed the worrisome economic state to be worse off than the pre-2020 lockdown, and has rolled out a swathe of measures to stabilize the economy.

Shanghai has begun relaxing controls from June and the city aims to be back to normal by the end of the month. But the zero policy is expected to remain in place beyond the party congress, evidenced if not by the resignation of hosting the 2023 Asian Cup football competition. If it succeeds, China may become the only nation in the world to eradicate all outbreaks. Or perhaps to be joined by North Korea, whose leader reportedly ordered officials to learn from China’s success after the hermit state revealed its first outbreak of Covid-19.